Su LIBRO-HISTORIA (Amazon), Biography:

Biografía de Jorge Cristi Pizarro 

Nearing my 90th birthday in July 2025, I have recently received the same question several times: "Why did you come to the United States of America?"

In Chile, my relatives and friends often ask about my perspective on my immigration to the USA in 1973, particularly related to Pinochet's dictatorship and Allende's communism. This interest has grown with my efforts to honor my parents' legacy in Santiago’s Casa Colorada Museum reopening in 2024. Reflecting on my past and the guidance received from my parents motivates me to address these complex questions. I can briefly share my story with those genuinely curious about why I left Chile.

My political awakening began after World War II, in 1945 and 1946. At the age of 15, I started to comprehend the reasons behind the immense death and destruction of those years. Coming from a low-income family with middle-class parents, I was acutely aware of the poverty around me in my country. A few years later, when my father won the lottery in Santiago, our lives and those of my family changed dramatically. This newfound prosperity, coupled with my growing understanding of political ideologies, set the stage for my later involvement in the political landscape of Chile.

Television, cell phones, and computers were nonexistent, and Chile's population was smaller. The country had a history of political revolutions, complicating government stability. It wasn't until 1956 that I understood the struggle between democracy and dictatorship.

My older brother wasn't interested in business, so I took on more responsibility with my father's private ventures. I graduated as an accountant, which exposed me to the political landscape. A group from the Communist Party visited our economic institute to discuss their ideology and invited us to join, offering benefits like a master's degree in economics and trips to Europe. I remember a participant named Jorge Awad who later led a meeting with us. Those years were challenging. My father had me managing a clothing factory while we also owned a small farm in Santiago where we raised over 12,000 chickens. Additionally, I worked at “La Gallina” café. During that time, Frei became president and implemented price controls, agrarian reform, and measures against economic crimes.

Chile leaned toward Communism, which I linked to a mindset against capitalist entrepreneurs like my family. My father's business interests directly influenced our situation, and I was still unmarried then.  In 1958, I began my union activism advocating for "Free Trade" as the President of the Soda Fountains of Santiago and later leading CONFEDECH, the Chilean retail trade union. I aimed to unite Chilean retail trade in preparation for a potential communist government. We established the National Trade Registry Law alongside other leaders during President Frei’s administration. In 1959, I got married, and as government policies shifted and my family's business faced challenges, I felt a strong commitment to champion the cause of private enterprise freedom for the next nine years.

The Cuban revolution and its interventions in South America fueled my pursuit of unity. While traveling in Chile, I neglected my family and business, but believed I was fighting for their future. During this period, organizations like "CUT," "MIR," and "OLAS" emerged, often involving violence. Key events included the 1970 LAN Chile plane hijacking, the assault on La Vega (Farm Market) Poniente, an attack on an armory that stole weapons, and significant incidents like the Radio Panamerica assault on April 27 and the murder of Hernan M. Fuenzalida on March 30, 1970. Additionally, there was a bombing at a police checkpoint in Santiago on June 6, and the discovery of weapons and bombs.

Guerrilla activities, like those in Cuba, are well-documented. I learned that the KGB was supplying weapons and funds to my hidden adversaries in the Communist Party. In 1970, after Allende took office, I stepped down as president of Confedech and became the Secretary General of the National Front for Private Enterprise, making me a bigger target. Allende's program mirrored that of Cuba, which I had known for years.

To secure supplies for trade, I spoke with Mr. Jorge Awad, the new Director of DIRINCO (Dirección de Industria y Comercio) in Chile, whom I had met a decade earlier. DIRINCO oversees industry and trade, including price regulation. During our conversation, he joked, "You should have been here instead of me if you had joined the Communist Party." This friendly meeting took a serious turn when two Cuban officials emphasized that "sugar is not for restaurants: it's for the poor first." It became clear we were heading towards a Cuban Marxist economy.

From 1970 to 1972, my struggles deepened. We had lost our chicken farm due to agrarian reforms, and my father's death in 1970 heightened my concerns for my family. After facing political persecution and arrest, I learned my name was on an "opposition" list. I realized I needed to protect my family, particularly my widowed mother, before it was too late. With the military's impending intervention likely leading to a civil war, I left for the United States in May 1973 to start anew.